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(詳細はIslamic inheritance jurisprudence, sons inherit twice as much as daughters. The complete laws governing inheritance in Islam are complicated and take into account many kinship relations, but in principle males inherit twice as much as females with some exceptions. However, the Indonesian Minangkabau people (from western Sumatra), despite being Muslim, employ only complete matrilineal succession with property and land passing down from mother to daughter. *Among ancient Israelites, the father bequeaths his inheritance to his sons (daughters inherit in the absence of sons). The eldest son received twice as much as the other sons. The father gives his name to his children; for example: the sons of Israel are called Israelites, because the land belonged to the father, and every one of his twelve sons gave his name to his descendants. Example: the sons of Judah are called Yehudi (which is translated into Latin as Judaeus and into English as Jew.) *In Galicia (Spain) it was typical that all children (both men and women) had a part of the inheritance, but one child (the one who inherited the house and a larger share of the land) inherited one-third of all the inheritance. This child was called the ''mellorado'' (literally, "improved upon"). In some villages the ''mellorado'' even received two-thirds of all the inheritance. This two-thirds would be all the family's lands, while other children received their part in money. In Galicia's coastal areas, the youngest daughter was often the privileged inheritor, while in Galicia's inner areas the privileged inheritor was often the eldest son.〔(LA “CASA” EN GALICIA. NOTAS CARACTERÍSTICAS Y APUNTES HISTÓRICOS SOBRE LA REGULACIÓN NORMATIVA DE SU INDIVISIBILIDAD Ramón P. Rodríguez Montero Prof. Titular de Derecho romano. Universidade da Coruña )〕〔(HEREDERO ÚNICO Y FAMILIA TRONCAL EN LA GALICIA INTERIOR, 1750-1860 Only Heir and Trunk Line Family in Inner Galicia, 1750-1860 Hortensio SOBRADO CORREA Universidad de Santiago de Compostela )〕〔(【引用サイトリンク】author=Ofelia Rey Castelao )〕 Male primogeniture was also common among peasants in Asturias,〔(【引用サイトリンク】author=Eloy GÓMEZ PELLÓN )〕 Cantabria,〔("De la Misma Olla y Del Mismo Fuego" Escrito por VV.AA )〕 Catalonia,〔(Los Pirineos: estudios de antropología social e historia : actas del ... editado por Casa de Velázquez )〕〔(Los pirineos, estudios de antropología social e historia: actas del coloquio ... editado por Casa de Velázquez )〕〔(Sucesión uni>ersonal yfamilia troncal en la “Catalunya Vella” (Con algunas reflexiones comparativas) Andrés BARRERA GONZÁLEZ Universidad Complutense de Madrid )〕〔http://carmensarasua.es/descargas/resenas_reviews/1990.pdf〕〔(【引用サイトリンク】author=Daniel Devolder & Àngels Torrents )〕〔(LLEGAT DE PEDRA AMB REGUST DE V I Estudi del conreu de la vinya, de la vida pagesa i de les construccions en pedra, al terme de Montblanc, 1850-1900. )〕〔(La dona hereva a Tarragona (o el problema de la inversió dels rols de genere) Maria Isabel Jociles Rubio Universidad Complutense de Madrid )〕 Huesca and other minor zones of Aragon,〔http://www.derechoaragones.es/i18n/catalogo_imagenes/grupo.cmd?path=100811〕 and parts of the Balearic Islands〔http://www.eeif.es/significados/h/hereu.html〕〔(El casament i l’explotació agrària. El policultiu )〕 and Valencia.〔(Memoria oral del modelo de familia troncal en Els Ports de Morella: tensiones, cambios y continuidades para una generación de ruptura Albert Moncusí Ferré )〕〔(SIMULACIÓN POR COMPUTADOR DE UN MODELO PARA EL ANÁLISIS DE LA ESTRATEGIA MATRIMONIAL Y HEREDITARIA EN UNA COMUNIDAD MEDITERRÁNEA Ricardo Sanmartín Arce )〕〔(LA IMPOSIBLE IGUALDAD: FAMILIA Y ESTRATEGIAS EN LA HUERTA DE VALENCIA )〕〔(LA FAMILIA CAMPESINA EN LA HUERTA DE VALENCIA DURANTE EL SIGLO XVIII JOSE MANUEL PEREZ GARCIA )〕〔(El ciclo familiar y el tiempo de vida en la huerta de Valencia, 1747-1800 GARRIDO ARCE )〕〔(Casa y compañía: la familia en la Huerta de Valencia, siglo XVIII. Algunas reflexiones teóricas y metodológicas )〕 Peasants in the rest of the country divided the inheritance between all children〔(Sucesión uni>ersonal yfamilia troncal en la “Catalunya Vella” (Con algunas reflexiones comparativas) Andrés BARRERA GONZÁLEZ Universidad Complutense de Madrid )〕〔(Invitación a la antropología cultural de España Escrito por Carmelo Lisón Tolosana )〕 (the aristocracy employed patrilineal primogeniture -mayorazgo-). *In Sweden, from the thirteenth century until the nineteenth century, sons inherited twice as much as daughters. This rule was introduced by the Regent Birger Jarl. Even after the introduction of these laws, however, the eldest son still usually inherited the land of his parents in exchange for taking care of them in their old age (predominance of patrilineal primogeniture). His siblings received only monetary compensation for giving up their claims on the family land.〔(Reproductive life in nineteenth century Sweden: An evolutionary perspective on demographic phenomena. Bobbi S. Low, School of Natural Resources and Evolution and Human Behavior Program, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan )〕〔(Occupational Status, Landownership, and Reproductive Behavior in 19th-Century Sweden: Tuna Parish by Bobbi S. Low )〕〔(The transmission of well- being, marriage and inheritance - Siblings and family property in 18th and 19th century Finland and Sweden Beatrice Moring University of Cambridge )〕〔(PARENTS, CHILDREN AND THEIR FAMILIES Living arrangements of old people in the XIX century, Sundsvall region, Sweden Leonardo Fusè )〕〔(GENDER ASPECTS OF INHERITANCE STRATEGIES AND LAND TRANSMISSION IN RURAL SCANIA, SWEDEN, 1720-1840 )〕 *Among Polish peasants, male primogeniture became the most common practice after the 15th century, but there was high regional variation.〔(Marriage strategies and inheritance system in Polish peasant families in the 15th-17th centuries mgr Piotr Guzowski Institute of History University of Bialystok Poland )〕 This diversity continued in later times, fostered by the influence of neighbouring countries with different family systems. The Polish pattern of male primogeniture held most strongly in the core, central parts of the country,〔(The Polish peasant in Europe and America; monograph of an immigrant group (1918) )〕〔http://matthewrballard.com/Documents/PolishEmigrationPaper1.pdf〕 as well as in Little Poland,〔(Origins of the European Marriage Pattern at the Turn of the Middle Ages from the Perspective of Polish History Dr Piotr Guzowski Institute of History University of Bialystok Plac Uniwesytecki 1 15-420 Bialystok )〕〔Backwardness And Modernization: Poland And eastern Europe in the 16th-20th centuries Written by Jacek Kochanowicz p.〕 but in peripheral areas different family forms prevailed. In the west Polish areas, male ultimogeniture prevailed.〔(Household and Family in the Balkans: Two Decades of Historical Family ... edited by Karl Kaser )〕 *In Lowland Laos, inheritance is often bilateral or matrilineal, but in Highland Laos, inheritance is patrilineal and the eldest son is often the main heir; his brothers receive only minor shares〔(GUIDELINE FOR ETHNIC MINORITY PARTICIPATION FRAMEWORK Supplementary Appendix to the Report and Recommendation of the President to the Board of Directors on the NORTHERN COMMUNITY-MANAGED IRRIGATION SECTOR PROJECT in LAO PEOPLE’S DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC )〕〔(Customary Law and Practice in Lao PDR )〕〔(Profile of Laos )〕 *In Pre-colonial Myanmar, inheritance customs among the Bamar or Burmese, who inhabit the Irrawaddy valley, generally followed patrilineal primogeniture: the eldest son, having the special position known as oratha, often received the largest share of the property.〔(The Making of Modern Burma Written By Thant Myint-U )〕〔(The Making of Modern Burma, written by Thant Myint-U )〕 However, the Kachin people, who inhabit the northern parts of the country, are famous in the Anthropological field for their complicated but highly structured social system that, if strictly followed, would result in patrilineal ultimogeniture in the inheritance of land and patrilineal primogeniture in the inheritance of moveable property.〔(Political Systems of Highland Burma: A Study of Kachin Social Structure, Written by E.R. Leach )〕 *Pre-revolutionary France is an excellent example of a culture where inheritance customs can be very diverse. Although patrilineal primogeniture prevailed among the nobility, as in most other European countries, with respect to plebeian custom there were two general patterns: in the southern half of the country, where testamentary freedom was allowed, a system of "stem" families and patrilineal primogeniture developed from the beginning of the sixteenth century onwards,〔(Kinship in Europe: Approaches to Long-Term Development (1300-1900) edited by Warren Sabean, Simon Teuscher, Jon Mathieu )〕〔http://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1182&context=lalrev〕 while in the northern half, where inheritance processes were fixed by law, a system of "nuclear" families and relatively egalitarian inheritance emerged.〔''Forced Heirship'' in French Law Joseph Dainow〕 However, within these two regional patterns there was high local variation, and historians and sociologists often disagree about the details of the different family forms. Focusing only on the Pyrenees, for example, in its western parts primogeniture regardless of sex prevailed in the French Basque Country, while in Bearn, male primogeniture predominated.〔(Household organization as an indicator of individual well-being from a gender perspective in the western Pyrenees Marie-Pierre Arrizabalaga Associate Professor Université de Cergy-Pontoise France )〕〔(Les stratégies matrimoniales dans le système de reproduction Pierre Bourdieu )〕 In the central Pyrenees, primogeniture regardless of sex predominated in Lavedan and Bareges, while in the Luchonnais, the Baronnies and Bigorre, male primogeniture was the dominant practice.〔(Transmettre une maison : le système successoral des Pyrénées centrales et du nord-est du Japon )〕〔(Ethnographie des archives officielles de l’État civil : une société en filigrane Claude Mercier )〕〔(Le droit d'aînesse absolue dans les Pyrénées centrales et le rang de naissance des conjoints )〕 In Aude, male primogeniture also predominated.〔(L'héritage du nom de baptême )〕 In other southern French regions (Dauphiné,〔(Droit et stratégies : la reproduction des systèmes familiaux dans le Haut-Dauphiné (XVIIe-XVIIIe siècles) )〕 Midi,〔(François Ploux La violence des jeunes dans les campagnes du Sud-Ouest au XIXème siècle : ethos agonistique et masculinité )〕〔(FARM FORESTRY IN SOUTH-WESTERN FRANCE: FROM FATHER TO SON, INTERACTIONS IN REPRESENTATIONS, OWNERSHIP STRATEGIES AND POTENTIAL ECOLOGICAL CONSEQUENCES A. Sourdril, G. du Bus de Warnaffe. M. Deconchat, E. de Garine and G. Balen )〕〔(Les Trente Glorieuses aveyronnaises, ou la mise en pratique du modèle de la famille souche )〕 Languedoc〔(Yves Castan Arbitraire du droit de tester et révolte des fils en Languedoc au XVIIIe siècle )〕〔(Aux origines de la Réformation cévenole Alain Molinier )〕〔〔(LES CHEMINS DU CONTRÔLE SOCIAL ENTRE FAMILLE ET COMMUNAUTÉ : LE CAS DE SAINT-VICTOR-DE-LA-COSTE EN BAS-LANGUEDOC, AU XVIIIE SIÈCLE ÉLIE PÉLAQUIER p. 29-50 )〕〔(Alliance et lien social en Languedoc (xviie-xviiie s.) Elie PÉLAQUIER )〕 Aquitaine,〔(Anne Zink, L'héritier de la maison. Géographie coutumière du Sud-Ouest de la France sous l'Ancien Régime )〕 Savoy,〔(Population et elevage en Chartreuse du nord à travers le denombrement Savoyard de 1561 (Cattle-raising and population in Chartreuse du nord according to the 1561 census) )〕 the Dauphiné〔(The Circum-Alpine Culture Area: A Preliminary View Robert K. Burns, Jr. Anthropological Quarterly Vol. 36, No. 3, Europe and Its Cultures (Special Issue) (Jul., 1963), pp. 130-155 Published by: The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic Research )〕 and Provence)〔(Alain Collomp, La maison du père : famille et village en Haute-Provence aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles Christin Olivier )〕 there was a more homogeneous pattern of male primogeniture, but in western Cantal, a daughter was often preferred as inheritor〔(Las herederas. En un pequeño territorio francés de emigración hacia España (siglos XVIII-XIX) Rose Duroux )〕〔http://www.usc.es/revistas/index.php/ohm/article/view/559〕 and in some areas, most strongly in Limousin and Auvergne, joint families coexisted (as a minority form) with stem families and male primogeniture.〔''Families in Former Times'' Written By Jean Louis Flandrin〕〔(Famille élargie ou famille nucléaire? L'exemple du Limousin au début du XIXe siècle Jean-Claude Peyronnet )〕 In the coastal (but not in the mountainous) areas of Provence, too, property was usually inherited by all sons and joint and nuclear families were numerous. In Brittany, a region in the northwest, local variation in peasant inheritance customs was also high: stem families with male primogeniture prevailed in Leon〔Emmanuel Todd, Gallimard 2011, NRF essais, l'origine des systèmes familiaux, ch.9, pages 4147-421〕 and inner Vannetais,〔(Maison longue et famille étendue en Bretagne Patricia Gaillard-Bans Études rurales No. 62 (Apr. - Jun., 1976), pp. 73-87 Published by: EHESS )〕 while in Cornouaille no single inheritance custom prevailed, though stem families predominated.〔(Cycle de la vie familiale et transmission du patrimoine en Bretagne. Analyse d'un cas Martine Segalen Ethnologie française nouvelle serie, T. 8, No. 4 (1978), pp. 271-278 Published by: Presses Universitaires de France Article )〕 In the rest of the region nuclear families were prevalent, but inheritance was often inegalitarian and favored the eldest son, though in some parts (Tregor and some other areas) the youngest son was favored. Nuclear families with male primogeniture, as in the case of England, were also common in the neighbouring Loire provinces, as well as Normandy,〔(The King's Bench: Bailiwick Magistrates and Local Governance in Normandy ... Written By Zoë A. Schneider )〕 suggesting a common historical origin for this family form (Normans and the Angevin dynasty, that also ruled England during a long period, had their origins in this part of France)〔 Variation was extreme in Poitou-Charentes, where all family types (stem, nuclear and joint) could be found. The rest of the north, save for a few regions where male primogeniture prevailed (mainly Alsace,〔(Family Composition, Birth Order and Marriage Patterns: Evidence from Rural Alsace, 1750-1885 Kevin McQuillan )〕 the Reims region,〔(Peasant Mobility and Settlement. The Case of the Large Ecclesiastical Carolingian Manors )〕 Picardy,〔http://www.journals.cambridge.org/article_S0038713400210932〕 Nord-Pas de Calais,〔(Les époux, le seigneur et la cité: coutume et pratiques matrimoniales des ... Written By Robert Jacob )〕 Berry, the Bourbonnais and the area around Verdun) was dominated by nuclear families and relatively egalitarian inheritance practices. In some of the aforementioned regions of Northern France where male primogeniture prevailed (namely Picardy, Nord-Pas de Calais and Alsace), male ultimogeniture prevailed in some places. *In Vietnam, male primogeniture has been predominant since the time of the Lê dynasty as a result of Sinicization and Confucianization. However, in some places, parents live with the youngest son or the youngest daughter and the inheritance is split into equal parts for each of the children.〔(Khuat Thu Hong, "Stem Family in Vietnam", in "The Stem Family in Eurasian Perspective Revisiting House Societies, 17th-20th centuries", written by Antoinette Fauve Chamoux and Emiko Ochiai )〕〔(Qualitative research report to better understand the rapidly rising sex ratio at birth in Viet Nam )〕 *In Norway, male primogeniture traditionally predominated,〔(Have the poor always been less likely to migrate? Evidence from inheritance practices during the age of mass migration☆ Ran Abramitzky a,b, ⁎, Leah Platt Boustan b,c, Katherine Eriksson )〕〔(Marriage Choices and Class Boundaries: Social Endogamy in History Written By Marco H. D. Van Leeuwen, Ineke Maas, Andrew Miles )〕〔(The Migration of Tradition: Land Tenure and Culture in the U.S. Upper Mid-West Terje Mikael Hasle Joranger )〕〔(Families and land ownership in Norwegian mountain societies. (ABSTRACT) )〕 probably even since the Viking Age.〔(Empathy and the Etiology of the Viking Age Robert Ferguson )〕〔(Richard B. Lee MODELS OF HUMAN COLONIZATION: !KUNG SAN, GREEKS, AND VIKINGS )〕 (this was the theory endorsed by the Norwegian historian Andreas Holmsen, among others). However, in the northernmost part of the country (northern Troms and Finnmark), where the Lapp (also called Sami) people lived, male primogeniture prevailed among Norwegian families, while male ultimogeniture prevailed among Sami families〔(Northern Co-residence across Generations In Northernmost Norway during the Last Part of the Nineteenth Century Hilde L. Jåstad )〕 *In Nigeria, an extensive survey across 18 diverse states conducted by the Women’s Rights Project of the Civil Liberties Organization between 1995-1997 revealed that 37 percent of the people practiced patrilineal primogeniture (inheritance by the eldest son), while 51 percent divided the inheritance between all sons or children. Male primogeniture historically prevailed among some peoples like the Ibibio, the Edo or Bini,〔(Assessment of Traditional Institutions and Socio Economic Development of ... Written By Adeola Ajayi )〕 the Isoko or the Mumuye, while some others like the Fulani (also called Fulbe) or the Yoruba historically divided the property between all sons or children. *Inheritance customs can also differ greatly by social class. In Pre-industrial England, the nobility and the gentry were characterized by their strict adherence to male primogeniture; among peasants, however, there was no clearly prevalent inheritance pattern.〔(Picking Winners? The Effect of Birth Order and Migration on Parental Human Capital Investments in Pre-Modern England )〕 In Wales, some argue that since the early 16th century male primogeniture prevailed among freeholders and the gentry, who were most of the population in the Welsh upland areas, where stem families predominated,〔(Chapters from the Agrarian History of England and Wales: 1500-1750 edited by Joan Thirsk, M. W. Barley, Maurice Willmore Barley )〕〔Elwyn davies, "Hafod and Lluest: the summering of cattle and upland settlement in Wales"〕〔(Conceptions of cultural landscape change in upland North Wales: a case study of Llanbedry- Cennin and Caerhun parishes, c. 1560-c. 1891 Charles W. J. Withers )〕〔(Llys Coedymynydd : the activities of younger sons and minor gentry )〕 while male ultimogeniture was predominant among copyholders, who were most of the population in the lowland anglicized areas, where absolute nuclear families predominated.〔(Limitations on the role of British households as economic units Richard Wall Department of History University of Essex )〕 In Cornwall, free holdings and free and unfree conventionary holdings descended to the eldest son, so male primogeniture was the most common practice among both aristocrats and peasants; however, a few, very poor holdings called "nativi de stipite" descended to the youngest son (male ultimogeniture).〔(Non, Manorialism in Medieval Cornwall By JOHN HATCHER )〕〔(The Agrarian History of England and Wales, Volume 2 edited by H. E. Hallam,Joan Thirsk, H. P. R. Finber )〕 Not even among the aristocracy inheritance practices have been uniform across the world, though; among Austronesian peoples, for example, Malay and Merina aristocrats practiced male primogeniture, while male ultimogeniture was the custom among Bugi and Makassarese nobles.〔(Precedence Social Differentiation in the Austronesian World )〕 *Inheritance customs can also change greatly over time. Among Bohemian peasants, for example, male ultimogeniture prevailed during the 18th century, but during the 19th century, male primogeniture was predominant *Scholars may often disagree about traditional inheritance patterns. In the case of Ireland, for example, some argue that the heir could be any son, as in the famous study of County Clare done by Arensberg and Kimball (1940)〔(Family and Community in Ireland. By Conrad M. Arensberg & Solon T. Kimball )〕 Others, however, argue that the election of an heir wasn't random and that the eldest son was the heir in most cases〔(Migration, Mobility, and Modernization written by David Siddle )〕〔(Saints, Scholars, and Schizophrenics: Mental Illness in Rural Ireland Written By Nancy Scheper-Hughes )〕 Some have adopted an intermediate view, arguing that primogeniture was the dominant practice, but it wasn't rigidly in force〔(Marital status and birth order in a sample of Dublin males Author(s) Walsh, Brendan M. )〕〔(Primogeniture and ultimogeniture in rural Ireland Author(s) O Grada, Cormac )〕〔(Farm succession in modern Ireland: elements of a theory of inheritance† LIAM KENNEDY )〕 Although neither gender, nor birth order were decisive factors in the election of an inheritor among Spanish Basques, in some areas male primogeniture was usually followed〔(Ámbitos culturales, sociabilidad y grupo doméstico en el País Vasco José Ignacio HOMOBONO Universidad del País vasco E.H.U. )〕〔(La frontera, la casa y el valle: referentes de la sociedad pirenaica tradicional. ELVIRA SANZ TOLOSANA )〕 *In Belgium, inheritance among peasants was patrilineal: daughters could inherit only in the absence of sons. However, in some regions all sons inherited, while in others (Principality of Liege, Duchy of Limburg, county of Loon), male primogeniture prevailed, and in others (Brabant, Fauquemont) male ultimogeniture prevailed. Male primogeniture also prevailed in Luxembourg, and in the department of Nord (France), customs of ultimogeniture and primogeniture were also common.〔(Les époux, le seigneur et la cité: coutume et pratiques matrimoniales des ... Written By Robert Jacob )〕 In the Netherlands, the Saxon system of stem families and single-heirship revailed among peasants in inner areas. Official surveys demonstrated that the inheritor could be either the eldest son or the last marrying child, often the youngest.〔(Youth labour migration and its family setting, the Netherlands 1850-1940 Jan Kok )〕〔Uitkomsten 1890, part II, XLIV Cothen, p. 15 and part IV, pp. 265-268; Algemeen overzicht 1908, pp. 288, 291〕 Peasants in the coastal areas, by contrast, followed no fixed inheritance pattern.〔'Searching for a place to live. Succession and child career strategies of peasant and farmer households in rural Drenthe and Groningen in the first half of the nineteenth century' Erwin Karel and Richard Paping University of Groningen Paper to be presented at the Posthumus conference in Antwerp, May 2011 〕〔(‘Making a living of their own’ Household formation, gender and the transfer of property and position in the 18 th and 19th century Dutch countryside Richard Paping, University of Groningen )〕 Dutch elites followed patrilineal primogeniture. *In Portugal, social elites practiced male primogeniture,〔(Parental Investment, Social Subordination, and Population Processes among the 15th and 16th century Portuguese nobility Author: James L. Boone 1988 )〕〔(Parental Investment and Elite Family Structure in Preindustrial States: A Case Study of Late Medieval-Early Modern Portuguese Genealogies Author(s): James L. Boone III )〕 while peasants divided their land between all children except in the Northwest part of the country, where male primogeniture also prevailed among them.〔(PEASANT STEM FAMILIES IN NORTHWESTERN PORTUGAL: LIFE TRANSITIONS AND CHANGING FAMILY DYNAMICS Karin Wall )〕 == Some historical inheritance systems described in detail == The high historical prevalence of male primogeniture among upper classes around the world has been subject to some evolutionary theories, such as those elaborated by Betzig (1993)〔Betzig, Laura (1986) ''Despotism and Differential Reproduction: A Darwinian View of History''. New York: Aldine.〕 and Bergstrom (1994).〔(Primogeniture, Monogamy and Reproductive Success in a Stratified Society )〕 Patrilineal primogeniture was generally more common among the wealthy landowners, as in pre-industrial Europe, where it prevailed among aristocrats, but wasn't that widespread among peasants. However, there have also been societies where patrilineal primogeniture was used by common peasants, but ignored by aristocrats and rulers; such was the case in Pre-Colonial Mexico, for example, to the surprise of Spanish chroniclers〔(Historia de la conquista de México Escrito por Francisco López de Gómara )〕〔(Historia de la conquista de México, Francisco López de Gómara )〕 The conical clan was a concept created by Kirchoff to describe the ayllu, the basic form of social organization in Pre-Colonial Inka society. He realized that all Spanish documents spoke about a system of ranked lines of descent; the seniormost male from the seniormost patriline provided the chief, and people were degraded in rank with decreasing seniority of birth and of patriline (see also Isabel Yaya's description of the Inca ayllu in her work "The Two Faces of Inca History: Dualism in the Narratives and Cosmology of Ancient Cuzco").〔(The Two Faces of Inca History: Dualism in the Narratives and Cosmology of ... Escrito por Isabel Yaya )〕 He called this "a conical clan" because of its similarities with this geometrical form. Kirchoff's work on Inka society, however, remains relatively neglected.〔(The Inka Conical Clan David Jenkins Journal of Anthropological Research Vol. 57, No. 2 (Summer, 2001), pp. 167-195 Published by University of New Mexico )〕 The Aztec calpulli has also been described as a conical clan.〔(Mary, Michael, and Lucifer: Folk Catholicism in central Mexico Escrito por John M. Ingham )〕 The same system prevailed among many Amazonian tribes, such as those described by Heckenberger,〔(The Enigma of the Great Cities: Body and State in Amazonia Michael J. Heckenberger )〕 and the lowland tribes of Central and South America according to Kalervo Oberg.〔(Types of Social Structure among the Lowland Tribes of South and Central America Kalervo Oberg American Anthropologist New Series, Vol. 57, No. 3, Part 1 (June 1955), pp. 472–487 published by Wiley )〕 Although the conical clan was an anthropological concept created during the 1950s to describe these pre-Columbian systems of social organization in America, the first description of such system was Fustel de Coulanges' characterization of the primitive Roman gens in 1864. In Japan, during the Tokugawa era, in approximately 61 per cent of cases the successor to the family property was the eldest son, while in 4 per cent of cases a younger son succeeded, in 3 percent a cousin was the successor, in 15 percent an adopted son (including sons-in-law) succeeded and in 16 per cent other person succeeded.〔(Family continuity in England and Japan MOTOYASU TAKAHASHI )〕 Akira Hayami emphasized that male primogeniture wasn't always followed in Tokugawa Japan, but even in his study of the village of Nishijo, eldest sons were the heirs in two thirds of the cases.〔(The Myth of Primogeniture and Impartible Inheritance in Tokugawa Japan Akira Hayami )〕 Hisashi Watanabe writes in "Hyakusho no Chikara (The Power of Peasants)": "The final feature of Tokugawa Japan is the idea of the perpetual family (iye), which also supported the strong family-land bond. Tokugawa peasants assumed that family property was possessed by not an individual family head, but by the perpetual family. Therefore, ‘although the head of a family has dominion over his family, he cannot divide, sell, or alienate the family estates at his own will. It was believed that the head of a family is responsible for succeeding the family estates from his ancestors and conveying them to his offspring without any change’". Fujiko Isono writes in ''The Evolution of Modern Family Law in Japan'': "At the death of a koshu (head ) the eldest son should step into the status of the koshu to guard the family property and to provide for and preside over its members". Kaibara Ekken (1630–1714), in his book ''Doji-Kun'' ("Instructions for Children") supported male primogeniture and told the younger sons to be submissive to their eldest brother. According to Junichi Kanzaka: "In Tokugawa Japan, the head of a perpetual family usually had the same first name. At that time, peasants were not allowed to have a surname, so the succeeding first names of family heads were considered the ‘family names’. () it seems that the Meiji government guaranteed landlords and owner-cultivators ‘absolute, well-defined and exclusive property rights to land’. However, in Meiji Japan, property rights did not crystallize. Since peasants still held the idea of the perpetual family and followed the regulations of village communities, the ‘owners’ of land were not able to sell or dispose of their land at their own will. () The strength of the perpetual family idea was revealed in the process of the formulation of the Civil Code. () in 1890, the Civil Code was published. However, this aroused a fierce controversy. Many lawyers insisted that the Civil Code was essentially incompatible with Japanese tradition. In 1891, legal scholar Yatsuka Hozumi published an article: "If the Civil Code is Enacted, Loyalty and Filial Piety Will Be Destroyed" (Minpo idete, chuko horobu) (Frank 2005, p. 178). () The Civil Code stated that individual members of a family (iye) were independent and had several individual rights. Therefore, parents’ property would be divided among their children. Nevertheless, this partible inheritance contradicted the idea of perpetual family property. Then, in the revised Civil Code of 1896 (the Civil Code of 1896 is called the ‘Meiji Civil Code’, while that of 1890 is called the ‘Old Civil Code’), the modern notion of private property compromised with the Japanese traditional principle of perpetual family. Property that had been owned by a perpetual family was made the private property of the family head; then, the status of family head was to be inherited by the eldest son. Thus, the succession of family property was guaranteed in the modern legal system. Furthermore, it is noteworthy that landlords and tenants shared this idea of perpetual family. In 1920, Nobuyoshi Yamazaki, a prominent agriculturalist before WWII, stated that a landlord was ‘a king of that region’ since the landlord’s family had continued without break. On the other hand, tenants also justified their holdings by the fact that tenants had stayed on and cultivated the land for a long time (Kawaguchi 1990, pp. 19, 90)".〔(Sharecropping leaseholds organized by village communities in pre-Second World War Japan Junichi Kanzaka Soka University, Japan )〕 During the postwar period, the eldest son was seven times likelier than other sons to co-reside with his parents and inherit their property across the whole country,〔(CONTINUITIES AND CHANGES IN PARENT-CHILD RELATIONSHIPS AND KINSHIP IN POSTWAR JAPAN: Examining Bilateral Hypotheses by Analyzing the National Family Survey (NFRJ-S01) SHI Liping )〕〔(Sibling Configuration and Coresidence of Married Couples with an Older Mother in Japan Hiroshi Kojima )〕〔(Title: Differences in Perceptions of the Relationship between Daughters-in-Law and Mothers-in-Law Author: Miyoko NEOI (Faculty of Education, Oita University) Source: Journal of Home Economics of Japan; ISSN:0913-5227; VOL.44; NO.9; PAGE.713-722; (1993) )〕〔(Why do First-born Children Live with Parents? — Geography of the Family in Japan )〕〔(The Japanese Family System: Change, Continuity, and Regionality over the Twentieth century Akihiko Kato )〕〔(Coresidence of young adults with their parents in Japan: do sib size and birth order matter? Author: Kojima H. )〕〔(Coresidence with Parents and a Wife's Decision to Work in Japan Akiko S. Oishi Takashi Oshio )〕 in spite of the fact that the Civil Code of 1947 imposes forced heirship, and official surveys conducted during the 1950s demonstrated a predominant approval and practice of the custom among the Japanese population, even in the southwest part of the country (66 per cent of the people between sixteen and fifty-nine years of age supported and approved male primogeniture across the whole nation. In urban areas 60 per cent and in rural areas 71 per cent of the people between 16 and 59 years of age supported and approved male primogeniture. When only agricultural households were considered, this percentage rose to 77 per cent).〔(Japanese Culture: Its Development And Characteristics editado por Robert John Smith, Richard King Beardsley )〕〔(FARM INHERITANCE LAWS IN OTHER / COUNTRIES )〕 Although co-residence of seniors aged 65 and above with a child has decreased from 86.8 percent in 1960 to 46.8 percent in 2005, partly due to the increase in the number of childless people,〔(New Look at Family Relations of Seniors in Japan )〕 in most regions, such as Yamanashi prefecture, the first son has almost always inherited all the land even up to this day.〔(Succession of Stem Families in Rural Japan: Cases in Yamanashi Prefecture * MASAE TSUTSUMI )〕 Yoshihiro Sakane praised continuous family holding and male primogeniture in "Japanese Traditional Society and Economic Growth", saying: "Since they clearly know that their children and grand-children will exclusively succeed the intact family estates, including fields, they can systematically make long-range investments, such as the adoption of new techniques and land improvement techniques". Patrilineal primogeniture also prevailed among the Ryukyuan people, who constitute a separate ethnicity, despite its strong similarities with the Japanese. Among them the custom was even stronger, because it was highly embedded in their kinship system.〔(Categories of Okinawan “Ancestors” and the Kinship System * By T a n a k a M a s a k o Institute for Religion and Culture Nanzan University，Nagoya )〕 Evgeny S. Baksheev writes in "Becoming Kami? Discourse on Postmortem Ritual Deification in the Ryukyus": "Two natural substances, blood (Ok. chii; Jp. chi 血) and semen (Ok. sani, Jp. sane 実 or 種), are believed to play significant roles in designing two different kinds of “parent-child” relationships in the Ryukyus; especially in Okinawa. The relationship through blood (Ok. gweeshichi, non-agnatic kin relationship) is bilaterally symmetrical: the person is related to both the genitor and genitrix in blood. In this sense, it sharply contrasts with the “agnatic” (Ok. shiji 筋) relationship which is thought to be based on semen (sani): agnatic status derives solely from the genitor. Shiji (筋) as the “paternal relation,” or “patrilineage” stands for the genealogical line of succession, being a kind of spiritual power passed on to the individual through the patriline. Thus agnatic status comes with semen (sani) and is transmitted only through the male. The principle of shiji (agnation) is relevant to the indigenous Ryukyuan concept of “citizenship” in the village community. A concrete expression of this principle is a strict male primogeniture in inheritance and succession (Tanaka 1974, pp. 112, 118, 164; Tanaka 1977, pp. 37–38).〔(Becoming Kami? Discourse on Postmortem Ritual Deiication in the Ryukyus Evgeny S. Baksheev Russian Institute for Cultural Research, Moscow, Russian Federation )〕 Tanaka Masako described the Ryukyuan kinship system extensively in "Categories of Okinawan “Ancestors” and the Kinship System". In this work he explains that among Ryukyuans choosing an inheritor other than the first son was a taboo, as was the coresidence between adult brothers. "The irreplaceability of brothers and strict primogenitural rule of succession are expressed in two taboos，the breach of which will inevitably (so they say) lead to a grave misfortune (e.g., prolonged sickness，recurrent accidents, failure to produce male heir) among the descendants. The first taboo is that of chood.ee kasabai, or “mixing up brothers”. Specifically，the taboo forbids the grown-up married brothers to live on the same household compound, let alone under the same roof; and for dead brother to be entombed in the same tomb, to be enshrined in the same ancestral altar (buchidan), or to be worshipped by the same set of patrilineal descendants. Each brother must have his own independent and irreducible ancestral status. There is no comparable taboo between brother and sister. With postmarital residence rule being virilocal，a daughter leaves her natal household upon her marriage; but if she should divorce，or be widowed, or be temporarily separated from her husband ，she can come home without risking a misfortune. And should she die without attaining a proper ancestorhood at her husband’s household, she can be buried in the tomb of her natal household, enshrined with her patrilineal ancestors，and worshipped by the patrilineal descendants of the natal household. The second taboo is called chatchi ushikumii，which may be translated “pushing aside the first son”. The taboo forbids, again upon ancestral retribution, that the first son be replaced by a younger son. It specifically applies to matters of succession and inheritance，and stipulates that the heir to the household headship should be the first son of the present head, and he alone; that a younger son cannot replace him while the first son is alive; and that the first son cannot be succeeded by his brother, though he can be succeeded by one of the latter’s sons. This taboo then, in effect, equates father with his first son, while irrevocably severing the relationship with all other sons".〔 In the strictness of male primogeniture, the strict prohibition of coresidence between adult brothers and other aspects, the Ryukyuan traditional family seems an extreme variant of the traditional Japanese family. In western Germany, there are still laws of primogeniture (''Ältestenrecht'') and ultimogeniture (''Jüngstenrecht'') regulating the inheritance of farms. Male primogeniture was historically far more widespread than male ultimogeniture.〔http://www.erbrecht-heute.de/Juengstenrecht.html〕 A comprehensive map of the traditional distribution of peasant customs of male primogeniture and male ultimogeniture in the western parts of Germany was elaborated by Dultzig.〔(Das Deutsche Grunderbrecht Written By Eugen Von Dultzig )〕 Unlike legislation during the Nazi period, that made the youngest son heir in areas where no particular custom prevailed, legislation in western Germany since the 1950s has favoured the eldest in these cases.〔(Vererbung nach der Höfeordnung oder durch ein Testament Referat, erstellt von Christian Steffens und Claas Tiedemann LW02 Stade, 2003 )〕 According to Nazi law (the Reichserbhofgesetz), male primogeniture was the law in Ludwigshorst, Mecklenburg, Brunswick, Hamburg, Bellingen/Altmark, Bezirk Landsberg/Warthe and most of Schleswig-Holstein, while male ultimogeniture was the law in some parts of Westphalia and some parts of Schleswig-Holstein.〔(Das Reichserbhofgesetz )〕 Still, the eldest son inherited the farm in most cases during the Third Reich.〔(German Law and Legislation )〕 Rosalie Horstman Haines, in "The Youngest Sons. Ultimogeniture and Family Structure in Eastern Westphalia, 1680-1980", says that male ultimogeniture was historically relevant in eight German regions: the Black Forest, the district to the north of Lake Constance, Bavaria-Saxony, Brunswick, the Northern Marsh areas, eastern Schleswig-Holstein, Silesia and Westphalia. Impartible inheritance was a deeply rooted custom among German peasants ("The peasant has only one child", says a German proverb). Sociologists and folklorists, such as Wilhelm Heinrich Riehl ("Die Familie" (1855)), praised the German stem family ("Das Ganze Haus", literally "the whole house"), where parents coreside with their inheriting son and his family, as the true essence of the German spirit, and despised industrialization and urbanization as a source of dissolution and destruction of German culture (Nazis would later take up these arguments -see blood and soil-). In many areas of Germany this meant that the brothers of the heir had to either emigrate or remain unmarried in the household, working for him until their death; thus in most regions such as Brandenburg, Mecklenburg, Pomerania, East Prussia, West Prussia, the Province of Saxony, Hesse, Hohenzollern, Bentheim, the county of Hoya, the Principality of Lüneburg, the Principality of Calenberg, Uslar, southern Oldenburg, Posen, upper Wurttemberg, northern Upper Swabia, Upper Bavaria, southern Upper Palatinate, Middle Franconia, Lower Franconia, the Prince-Bishopric of Münster, Western Saxony, Middle Saxony, northwestern Saxony, Upper Lusatia, Sauerland, Lippe, the Westphalian Hellweg, Siegen-Wittgenstein, Minden Land, Waldeck, Kreis Soest, Paderborn (district), Höxter (district), Nordrhein, the County of Glatz, most of Schleswig-Holstein and most of Bremen-Verden, the eldest son inherited the land and their younger brothers had to either emigrate or remain unmarried and in a subordinate position until their death,〔(Siedlungsverhältnisse in Ostmitteleuropa )〕〔(Märkische Lebenswelten: Gesellschaftsgeschichte der Herrschaft Plattenburg ... Written By Jan Peters )〕〔(Ordinary Prussians: Brandenburg Junkers and Villagers, 1500-1840 Written By William W. Hagen )〕〔(Urban food production: A contribution to urban resilience in Berlin? Written by Lea Baumbach )〕〔(Familienleben und Alltagsküche )〕〔Herrmann (1985), pp. 421ff〕〔Buchholz (1999), pp. 66–70〕〔(Glimpses of Life in Early Pomerania )〕〔(Prussia-Pommern Land and Property )〕〔(Sozialhistorische Voraussetzungen von Transformationspotentialen bäuerlicher Familien im Systemumbruch am Beispiel der Insel Rügen )〕〔("Die Vererbung des ländlichen Grundbesitzes im Königreich Preussen" )〕〔for Kossäten also Piskorski (1999), p.85〕〔(Erinnerungen an Kindheit, Flucht und Vertreibung aus Ostpreußen )〕〔(Kashubia )〕〔(Die Vererbung des ländlichen Grundbesitzes im Königreich Preussen / Bearb. von Felix Busch ... Berlin , 1905 )〕〔(Die ländliche Verfassung in den Provinzen Ost- und Westpreußen edited by August von Haxthausen )〕〔("Die landarbeiter in der provinz Ostpreussen .." )〕〔(Die Vererbung des ländlichen Grundbesitzes im Königreich Preussen / Bearb. von M. Grabein Berlin , 1900 )〕〔(Am Vorabend der Bauernbefreiung )〕〔Begemann, Ulrike. Bäuerliche Lebensbedingungen im Amt Blumenau (Fürstentum Calenberg) 1650-1850 Historischer Verein für Niedersachsen. Hahnsche Buchhandlung. Hannover 1990.〕〔(Land Inheritance under the Swastika Henry W. Spiegel Agricultural History Vol. 13, No. 4 (Oct., 1939), pp. 176-188 Published by Agricultural History Society )〕〔(American emigration from the Southern part of Oldenburg )〕〔(Die Bauernhöfe im Amte Vechta Clemens Pagenstert )〕〔(Migration Decisions in Mid Nineteenth-century Germany )〕〔(Emigration to America )〕〔(JAHR 1809 Suche MONAT November TAG 5 TITEL Bauernbefreiung im hessen-darmstädtischen Herzogtum Westfalen )〕〔(Volksleben im Nordosten Westfalens zu Beginn der Neuzeit: eine wachsende ... Written By Gertrud Angermann )〕〔(NIEDERRHEIN )〕〔http://gei-digital.gei.de/viewer/!fulltext/PPN728466570/37/;jsessionid=CD54D7BCA97598587C78591CA0458335〕〔(Distinct Inheritances: Property, Family and Community in a Changing Europe edited by Hannes Grandits,Patrick Heady )〕〔(Der Bauernbesitz in der Provinz Posen im 19. Jahrhundert (1914) )〕〔(Könenkamp, Wolf-Dieter Bauernfamilie und Gesinde Soziale Ordnung und Arbeitsteilung auf westfälischen Bauernhöfen um 1800 2. Aufl., Münster, 1989 Einführung: Das "Ganze Haus" )〕〔(Bäuerliche Erbpraxis als Familienstrategie: Hofweitergabe im Westfalen des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts Von Christine Fertig und Georg Fertig, Münster )〕〔(Independent Immigrants: A Settlement of Hanoverian Germans in Western Missouri Written By Robert W. Frizzell )〕〔(HAUPTTEIL II Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft im Umbruch 1. Die lippische Grundherrschaft )〕〔(Das Lippische Höferecht )〕〔(Auswanderung aus Lippe - alte und neue Fragen der Forschung )〕〔(Migration, Siedlungsbildung, Akkulturation: die Auswanderung ... Written By Anne Aengenvoort )〕〔(Demographic Behavior in the Past: A Study of Fourteen German Village ... Written By John E. Knodel )〕 while the contrary phenomenon (the youngest son inheriting the land and the elder brothers having to either emigrate or remain unmarried in the household and working for him until their death) occurred in some other regions like the Black Forest, East Frisia, the Osnabrück region, Schaumburg-Lippe, Ravensberg Land, Gütersloh, Lower Bavaria, Saxe-Altenburg, Lingen, Diepholz, Cuxhaven, Kreis Tecklenburg, Upper Silesia, Upper Franconia, northern Upper Palatinate, the Ore Mountains, Meissener Land, southern Upper Swabia, northern Oldenburg and most of Lower Silesia.〔〔〔("Die gesetzlich geschlossenen hofgüter des badischen Schwarzwalds" )〕〔(Verhaltensökologie menschlichen Abwanderungsverhaltens – am Beispiel der historischen Bevölkerung der Krummhörn (Ostfriesland, 18. und 19. Jahrhundert) )〕〔(Famille et tenure paysanne : aux origines de la guerre des Paysans en Allemagne David Sabean lien Annales. Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations lien Year 1972 lien Volume 27 lien Issue 4-5 lien pp. 903-922 )〕〔(Lebensläufe, Familien, Höfe: die Bauern und Heuerleute des Osnabrückischen ... edited by Jürgen Schlumbohm )〕〔(Great Challenges of Reformation Europe Written By Eugene M. Wait )〕〔http://www.lwg.uni-hannover.de/w/images/d/d5/Schneider,_Verhaeltnisse_2.pdf〕〔(Family Forms in Historic Europe edited by Richard Wall, Jean Robin, Peter Laslett )〕〔("Die bäuerliche Erbfolge im rechtsrheinischen Bayern: Nach amtlichen Quellen dargestellt" )〕〔Encyclopaedia Britannica, ed. 9, s.v. Saxe-Altenburg.〕〔(KONFESSION UND SOZIALSTRUKTUR Vergleichende Analysen auf geographischer Grundlage Helmut Hahn Mit 2 Abbildungen und 8 Tabellen )〕〔(Familie zwischen Tradition und Moderne: Studien zur Geschichte der Familie ... edited by Neithard Bulst, Joseph Goy, Jochen Hoock )〕〔(Die Dörfer im Kreis Guhrau )〕〔http://www.familienarchiv-papsdorf.de/pdf-dateien/gerichtsbuecher.pdf〕 Even those Germans who migrated to other countries practiced impartible inheritance. Male ultimogeniture prevailed among the Germans in the former Russian Empire,〔(A People on the Move: Germans in Russia and in the Former Soviet Union: 1763 - 1997 )〕 the Caucasus, Transilvania and Brazil,〔(Las prácticas de herencia de tierras agrícolas: una razón más para el éxodo ... Written By Martine Dirven )〕 while male primogeniture prevailed among those Germans who established themselves in the American Midwest〔Journal of Family History Handing down the farm: values, strategies, and outcomes in inheritance practices among rural German Americans.〕 and Hungary.〔(The ‘German Question’ in Hungary after World War II János Angi Debreceni Egyetem )〕 Laws of single-heirship with regards to land are also still in force in Austria. In Styria,〔(BUNDESGESETZBLATT FÜR DIE REPUBLIK ÖSTERREICH Jahrgang 1959 Ausgegeben am 3. September 195 )〕〔(The Problem of Illegitimacy in Europe )〕 Carinthia,〔(Carinthian Hereditary Farms Act 190 )〕 Vorarlberg,〔(Geschichte des bäuerlichen Besitz- und Erbrechts in Tirol – ein Überblick Martin P. Schennach )〕 and Tyrol,〔 as well as Salzburg and western Upper Austria,〔(The Stem Family in Eurasian Perspective: Revisiting House Societies, 17th ... edited by Antoinette Fauve-Chamoux,Emiko Ochiai )〕 male primogeniture (called Altestenerbrecht) predominates, while male ultimogeniture predominates in most of Lower Austria and central and eastern Upper Austria. Field studies have demonstrated that in those regions of Upper Austria where male ultimogeniture was supposedly the rule, in practice the eldest son inherited the land in a large percentage of cases, too.〔(Differenzierung und Diversität in der Landwirtschaft Eine Darstellung von Wirtschaftsweisen landwirtschaftlicher Familienbetriebe am Beispiel St. Georgen am Walde )〕 This also happened to a lesser extent in Lower Austria.〔(Family Forms in Historic Europe edited by Richard Wall,Jean Robin,Peter Laslett )〕 In Burgenland, as well as parts of Lower Austria, partibility prevails. While male primogeniture is still the usual practice in Japan, in Austria many females are becoming farm successors.〔(Comparative analysis of patterns in farm succession in Austria and Japan from a gender perspective Eine vergleichende Analyse der Hofnachfolge in Österreich und Japan aus Geschlechterperspektive 1 Yukiko OTOMO and Theresia OEDL-WIESE )〕 Male primogeniture also prevailed traditionally among Balt and Estonian peasants,〔(121 Rural Property, Inheritance, and the Modernization of the Estonian Agrarian Sector 1880-1914 )〕〔(From Farms to Second Homes: Gendered Strategies for Generational Change in Noarootsi, Estonia 1880-2006 )〕〔(Peasant Farmsteads and Households in the Baltic Littoral, 1797 Andrejs Plakans at University of Massachusetts, Amherst )〕 and some suggest that this may be due to German influence. Impartible inheritance was also predominant among German Swiss peasants; in most cantons the heir was the eldest son, but in some it was the youngest son〔(L’économie rurale de la Suisse Émile de Laveleye Revue des Deux Mondes T.44, 1863 )〕 (Italian Swiss and French Swiss peasants generally divided the land into equal parts for each of the sons or children). As regards Africa, it can be seen that patrilineal societies were most common in East Africa and southern Africa (a term which encompasses not only South Africa, but the whole region south of Angola, Congo and Malawi), while matrilineal societies were usually found in central Africa and west Africa, though even in these regions they were a small minority (most societies in all four regions of Sub-Saharan Africa were patrilineal). Some have theorized that the expansion of cattle could have led to the loss of matrilineal descent in Africa during prehistory.〔(Spread of cattle led to the loss of matrilineal descent in Africa: a coevolutionary analysis Clare Janaki Holden * and Ruth Mace Department of Anthropology, University College London, Gower Street, London WC1E 6BT, UK )〕 In matrilineal societies, the (maternal) brothers or the sister's sons of the decedent were his inheritors. In cases where brothers were the inheritors of the decedent, maternal brothers inherited each other in order of seniority, and when all brothers had died, the eldest son of the eldest sister in the previous generation inherited, and so on in each successive generation. However, fraternal succession was predominant also in some patrilineal societies (brothers inheriting each other in order of seniority, the eldest son of the eldest brother in the previous generation becoming the heir when all brothers had died, and so on in each successive generation). The main reason for this type of inheritance system was a very low life expectancy (when a man died, none of his sons was likely to be an adult, while his eldest surviving brother was most likely one). According to the Ethnographic Atlas, there are 90 societies around the world where patrilineal heirs other than sons inherited the property, and in many of these societies the brothers of the decedent inherited his property before his sons. The same circumstance (a low life expectancy) could explain why patrilineal primogeniture (sons have priority over other heirs—such as brothers-, and the eldest son inherits all or most of the property) was historically more common in Sub-Saharan Africa than elsewhere in the world, while patrilineal ultimogeniture was very rare: when a man died, his eldest son was more likely to be an adult than his youngest son, who was likely to be just a child. Inheritance customs don't tell everything about the rules of domestic life. For example, in Korea and Japan, where patrilineal primogeniture was the general practice,〔(Family history revisited: comparative perspectives edited by Richard Wall, Tamara K. Hareven, Joseph Ehmer p. 343–344 )〕〔''(Asian Population History )'' edited by Ts'ui-jung Liu, James Lee, David Sven Reher, Osamu Saito, Wang Feng〕〔(C Sorensen - 1986 Migration, the family, and the care of the aged in rural Korea: an investigation of a village in the Yongso region of Kangwon Province 1918-1983," )〕〔Prendergast, David (2005): “From Elder to Ancestor: Old Age, Death and Inheritance in Modern Korea.”〕 the brothers of the heir didn't remain celibate in the household, but went away and sometimes lost all contact with the family of origin. "The sibling is the beginning of the stranger", says a Japanese proverb, expressing this low level of sibling solidarity in Japanese culture. In Europe, however, although property was inherited solely by one son in many cases, his brothers were often allowed to remain in the household as long as they didn't marry. And in some African agricultural or horticultural societies the brother, nephew or son who inherited the land to the apparent exclusion of all other inheritors was in practice more of an administrator of the collectively owned property than a real single-heir; thus customs of single-heirship in Africa regarding land entailed varying degrees of real inequality. There are many exceptions to these phenomena: the Bamileke, for example, often described as "the Ibo of Cameroon", are an agricultural people who traditionally practiced a completely exclusionary form of male primogeniture. "Customary law provides that a man's property is not divisible and is inherited by his favorite son, often, but not necessarily, the eldest. This often causes struggles between brothers, especially half-siblings, and sons other than the inheritor tend to split off and form their own patrilineages. Daughters rarely inherit through the patrilineage."〔(Bamileke people )〕 Joseph Nzalie Ebi writes in "THE STRUCTURE OF SUCCESSION LAW IN CAMEROON: FINDING A BALANCE BETWEEN THE NEEDS AND INTERESTS OF DIFFERENT FAMILY MEMBERS": "The Bamileke, for example recognise male primogeniture and the possibility for the deceased to designate any other of his male children as successor".〔(THE STRUCTURE OF SUCCESSION LAW IN CAMEROON: FINDING A BALANCE BETWEEN THE NEEDS AND INTERESTS OF DIFFERENT FAMILY MEMBERS. By JOSEPH NZALIE EBI )〕 Hazel M. Mcferson writes: "Succession and inheritance rules are determined by the principle of patrilineal descent. According to custom, the eldest son is the probable heir, but a father may choose any one of his sons to succeed him. An heir takes his dead father's name and inherits any titles held by the latter, including the right to membership in any societies to which he belonged. And, until the mid-1960s, when the law governing polygamy was changed, the heir also inherited his father's wives--a considerable economic responsibility. The rights in land held by the deceased were conferred upon the heir subject to the approval of the chief, and, in the event of financial inheritance, the heir was not obliged to share this with other family members. The ramifications of this are significant. First, dispossessed family members were not automatically entitled to live off the wealth of the heir. Siblings who did not share in the inheritance were, therefore, strongly encouraged to make it on their own through individual initiative and by assuming responsibility for earning their livelihood. Second, this practice of individual responsibility in contrast to a system of strong family obligations prevented a drain on individual financial resources. Rather than spend all of the inheritance maintaining unproductive family members, the heir could, in the contemporary period, utilize his resources in more financially productive ways such as for savings and investment. () Finally, the system of inheritance, along with the large-scale migration resulting from population density and land pressures, is one of the internal incentives that accounts for Bamileke success in the nontraditional world".〔(A.I.D. Evaluation Special Study No. 15 THE PRIVATE SECTOR: - Individual Initiative, And Economic Growth In An African Plural Society The Bamileke Of Cameroon )〕 Among the Oromo, too, "According to Oromo custom, the eldest sons in their family (the hangafa) remained at the place of their father's residence by inheriting the qabiyyee land of their fathers while the younger sons had to move into a fresh land".〔Interview: Kitila Challa, Najjo, August 1979.〕 Abebe Gizachew Abate writes in "Contested Land rights: Oromo peasants struggle for livelihood in Ethiopia": "Traditionally a young son(s) was moving to search new land in the name of his descent, not in his own name. In this regard the eldest son has a privileged position to remain on his father's land. This means priority in birth or priority in land use holds true among the Oromo".〔http://munin.uit.no/bitstream/handle/10037/153/thesis.pdf?sequence=1〕 "Among the sons of a family the angafa (eldest) holds a critical position. He inherits the family patrimony. If he has talent, he is also likely to succeed his father in any ritual or political offices or privileges. Within the family he has the authority to redistribute the cattle he inherited among the younger brothers as he sees fit. This gives the first born son considerable power; after the death of the father, the son decides whether his brothers are going to marry, when they will marry, and how many cattle will be made available for their bride wealth payment".〔(STUDY ON WOMEN’S PROPERTY RIGHTS IN AFAR AND OROMIYA REGIONS, ETHIOPIA Fiona Flintan, Solomon Demlie, Mohammed Awol, Zahra Humed, Yemane Belete and Honey Lemma 2008 )〕 Dejene N. Debsu writes about the Guji Oromo (a subgroup of the Oromo people): "The eldest son, after taking the largest share of the livestock and the lands, distributes the remaining to his younger brothers".〔http://www.africa.kyoto-u.ac.jp/kiroku/asm_normal/abstracts/pdf/30-1/DEBSU.pdf〕 Gemetchu Megerssa writes in "Booran": "The eldest son inherited the family property at the death of his father and succeeded him as head of the household. He was also expected to replace his father as the ritual head of the family and to perform the necessary ceremonies and sacrifices".〔(Booran Written By Gemetchu Megerssa )〕〔(Title: Land tenure and agriculture in Sayyoo-Afillo, Western Wallaga, Ethiopia, 1880-1974 Author(s): 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Systems of inheritance among various peoples」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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